TrustSkills’ Post

In recent years there has been significant discussion of the “migration infrastructure”, notably the networks, institutions and organizations that mediate migration trajectories. There has also been critical analysis of the economies of migration control that have emerged around borders, both territorial and digital ones, and the private interests behind them. Less attention has been paid though to the sector that has emerged around migrant reception. This April 2024 CERC in Migration and Immigration workshop takes a radical critical approach on to examining these concerns, looking at how provision of local migrant services, whether in border areas, or locations of settlement, give rise to a migrant “integration business”. This business becomes part of local economies, while resting on structures of inequality, displacement, dispossession and unequal capital accumulation, and deepening these processes. The workshop is organized into two panels. The first focuses on the local aspects of this migration industry in both border areas and settlement locations, critically analyzing the ways locals, settled migrants and recently arrived asylum seekers, refugees or migrants become entangled in forms of service provision that extract capital and constitute multi-scalar processes of governance. The second panel expands this critical perspective by engaging with the broader policy and political discourses on migration and development. Contributors to both panels seek to unmask the processes of capital accumulation that underlie the regulation of mobility, territory, social life and political subjectivities.

Call for papers for a workshop in Athens in April 2024 & a special issue: “Nudging forward” as a new strategy for governing forced migration at EU’s periphery Little research has scrutinized the implicit or explicit efforts of some Member States at EU’s periphery to propel forced migrants residing on their territory to move forward and seek protection elsewhere (i.e., secondary movement). We define such state efforts as “nudging forward” strategies and trace their implementation through concrete laws, policies, and formal or informal practices in border EU Member States (Greece, Italy, Cyprus, Malta) at the national and local level. We seek to shed light on the consequences of nudging forward for forced migrants, countries that receive secondary movements, and the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) as a whole. Submit your abstract (max. 250 words, highlighting the specific topic, methods, data, and results) to [email protected] by November 30, 2023. Authors will be invited to discuss their papers at a two-day workshop in Athens on 25-26 April 2024. The workshop will bring together a selected group of academics and practitioners working on forced migration governance in Southeastern Europe, who will provide feedback and comments to the authors. https://lnkd.in/exZ3GwET

Come join us for the event on June 13th, 2:00-3:00PM: “Precarious Privileges: Polish Refugees between Poland, Austria and Canada in the long 1980s” with guest speaker Daniel Jerke. Register here: https://lnkd.in/eCpUH6Cx Event description: In the 1980s, millions of people left Poland of whom at least 1.3 million never returned. They used a variety of different legal titles, migration strategies and social practices in order to emigrate from Poland and establish themselves abroad. Among the countries most affected by that migration movement were Austria and Canada. In Austria, roughly 50,000 asylum claims were submitted by Polish citizens in the 1980s, however, most of them intended to migrate further to countries overseas. One of those countries admitting Poles from Austria was Canada. In total, more than 100,000 Poles arrived in Canada, most of them labelled refugees. Already back then, claims were made that Western countries favoured refugees from the Soviet bloc over refugees and migrants from other parts of the world. Yet in my talk I want to demonstrate that Poles leaving their home country were indeed “precariously privileged”: On the one hand, they enjoyed a high acceptance among Western politicians and were privileged in legal terms, but that made them, on the other hand, highly dependent on the state and its institutions. When Western governments gradually changed their policy in the second half of the 1980s that one-sided dependence turned into a huge disadvantage. Furthermore, Polish refugees often suffered from downward social mobility and were partly rejected by wider society. In fact, the very label ‘refugee’ was already a crucial element of their “precariously privileged” status. This talk discusses the negotiations over the transnational mobility of Polish citizens in the 1980s in order to answer the following questions. Who was was taken by whom for a refugee and for what reason? Who participated in these negotiations? Which goals did the various actors pursue and which means did they use to achieve them? And last, but not least how did the Poles themselves perceive their own situation and tried to influence it? In order to answer these questions, the talk combines the use of written records produced by state institutions, private organisations, the refugees themselves as well as contemporary media reports and academic publications.

While as a term, ‘transit migration’ is criticised due to its analytical shortcomings and political implications for migrants as well as for countries associated with transit; it is an important part of how people move from one place to another. How it is managed can help or hinder their mobility. Our approach in studying transit migration starts with the observation that transit migration has become not only a policy area concerning Europe, but a global phenomenon. It has a real impact on the policies of destination countries and the countries situated along migration routes. As part of the MIGNEX (Aligning Migration Management and the Migration–Development Nexus) consortium, Samuel Hall contributed to a background paper on ‘Comparative experiences of transit migration management’. The paper engages with the concept of transit migration and identifies key patterns of transit migration management at global, regional and country level. Through comparative analysis it examines the transit migration routes and policies of four countries: Turkey, Tunisia, Ethiopia and Pakistan. According to Samuel Hall’s findings, transit migrants face a number of challenges, including exploitation, violence, detention, and lack of access to basic services. As a way forward the background paper invites more research into discerning the impact of transit migration management on individual countries, on state and non-state actors, and on migrants themselves along migration routes. Devising policy suggestions that will lead to a fairer distribution of responsibility to address protection needs in so-called ‘transit countries’ is also crucial. Read more here: https://lnkd.in/dVSzFx4r

Pay €20,000 per head to refuse illegal immigrants? From The Brussels Signal Newsletter: "European Parliament approves new rules imposing mandatory relocation of migrants" "The European Parliament has passed the EU's new Migration and Asylum Pact, which EU member states are now expected to approve as well. The legislation is aiming to fast-track asylum procedures at the EU’s border, impose tough new screening systems and return people that do not qualify for international protection to their countries of origin. Rightwing opponents have railed against another aspect of the pact, the mandatory relocation mechanism, whereby EU member states will be required to welcome migrants from other member states deemed under pressure. Thereby, they can however opt out by paying 20,000 euro per head into a fund or contribute “in kind with equipment or experts such as lawyers”, according to officials that prepared the new legislation. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk disagrees with the latter, vowing that that “we will find ways so that even if the migration pact comes into force in roughly unchanged form, we will protect Poland against the relocation mechanism,” pointing out that his country is already accommodating around 1 million Ukrainian refugees. Leading Irish opposition party Sinn Féin has demanded an opt-out from the EU migration pact, saying it "is a mixed bag of 7 proposals. Alongside Denmark, we are the only country with the opportunity to remain outside all or some of these EU measures. We should use that ability to opt-out." Separately, an official has confided that the EU is preparing a new migration deal with Morocco, after migration deals with Tunesia and Egypt have been concluded involving EU transfers of money in exchange for assistance to fight illegal migration."

🟠 Net immigration to #Germany reached the highest level ever recorded in 2022 in the wake of the war in #Ukraine. Almost two years since the start of the war, experts are looking at integration and reconstruction, according to an article in infomigrants. net.   According to the Migration Report 2022 released by Germany's Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF), in 2022, 2.7 mln people immigrated to Germany while less than half – 1.2 mln moved away. And so, as a result, net immigration reached its highest level – 1.5 mln – since records began in 1950! The report shows that 41% of all immigrants last year came from Ukraine alone.   👉 “In comparison to other EU member states, Germany remains the main destination country for migrants in Europe. Today immigrants make up over 18% of the German population. In 2022, 20.2 million people in Germany had either moved to the country themselves or were born to two people who moved there”, writes author Natasha Mellersh.    📊 Furthermore, according to the EWL Group Report „From Poland to Germany. New Trends in Ukrainian Refugee Migration”, one of the most important reasons determining the migration of Ukrainian refugees from Poland to Germany is the recommendation of friends and family (43%). However, material factors also play an important role, including more attractive social benefits (42%), higher pay (27%), and the possibility to accumulate more savings when living in that country (38%). EWL Group EWL Deutschland

Principles and Guidelines of Brazilian Migration Policy. Brazil’s migration policy is governed by principles and guidelines established in Law No. 13,445/2017, commonly known as the Migration Law. These principles guide Brazil’s approach to migrants and visitors. Here are the key principles and guidelines: Universality, Indivisibility, and Interdependence of Human Rights: The migration policy must respect human rights, considering them universal and interconnected. Rejection and Prevention of Xenophobia, Racism, and Discrimination: Brazil opposes any form of xenophobia, racism, or discrimination against migrants. Decriminalization of Migration: Migration should not be treated as a crime but as a natural phenomenon. Non-Discrimination Based on Admission Criteria: Migrants should not face discrimination based on the criteria by which they were admitted to national territory. Promotion of Regular Entry and Document Regularization: The policy should encourage legal entry and document regularization for migrants. Humanitarian Reception: Brazil should provide humanitarian assistance to migrants. Economic, Touristic, Social, Cultural, Sporting, Scientific, and Technological Development of Brazil: Migration should contribute to various aspects of the country’s development. Guarantee of the Right to Family Reunion: Migrants have the right to reunite with their families. Equal Treatment and Opportunities for Migrants and Their Families: Migrants should receive equal treatment and similar opportunities to nationals. Social, Labor, and Productive Inclusion through Public Policies: The goal is to integrate migrants into Brazilian society. Equal and Free Access of Migrants to Social Services, Programs, and Benefits: Migrants should have equal access to public services, education, legal assistance, work, housing, banking services, and social security. Promotion and Dissemination of Migrants’ Rights and Obligations: Information about rights and duties should be widely disseminated. Social Dialogue in Formulating, Implementing, and Evaluating Migration Policies and Promoting Migrant Participation: Migrants should actively participate in policy discussions. Strengthening Economic, Political, Social, and Cultural Integration of Latin American Peoples: Brazil aims to enhance integration with neighboring countries and promote free movement of people. In summary, Brazil’s migration policy seeks to balance human rights protection with national development and migrant inclusion. #Migration #HumanRights #SocialInclusion #Brazil

This comprehensive pact aims to create a more streamlined and standardized approach to managing migration across the European Union. This begs the question; Can I immigrate to Europe under the New Pact on Migration and Asylum?