Ƴancin Dan adam zuwa gida uku

Ƴancin Dan adam zuwa gida uku
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Garin da ake taron Kare yancin Dan adam

Yancin dan adam

A shekarar 1979, wani masanin shari'a na kasar Czech Karel Vasak a Cibiyar Kare Hakkokin Dan Adam ta kasa da kasa da ke Strasbourg ne ya gabatar da Rab-raben 'yancin dan Adam zuwa gida uku . Ya yi amfani da kalmar aƙalla a farkon Nuwamba 1977. Ka'idodin Vasak sun samo asali ne a cikin dokokin ƙasashen Turai.

An rasa su, sannan suna bin kalmomin kallo guda uku na juyin juya halin Faransa : ' Yanci, daidaito, 'Yan'uwa . An bayyana tsararraki uku a cikin wasu ƙa'idodi na Yarjejeniyar Haƙƙin Muhimmancin Ƙungiyar Tarayyar Turai . Yarjejeniyar 'Yancin Dan Adam ta Duniya ta ƙunshi haƙƙoƙin da ake tunanin ƙarni na biyu da na ƙarni na farko, amma ba ta bambanta da kanta ba (haƙƙin da aka lissafa ba su cikin takamaiman tsari ba).

Haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na farko

Haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na farko, wani lokaci ana kiransa "haƙƙin shuɗi", suna magana da gaske game da 'yanci da shiga cikin rayuwar siyasa. Suna da asali na farar hula da siyasa a cikin yanayi: Suna aiki mara kyau don kare mutum daga wuce gona da iri na jihar. Haƙƙoƙin ƙarni na farko sun haɗa da, yancin rayuwa, daidaito a gaban doka, 'yancin faɗar albarkacin baki, 'yancin yin addini, 'yancin mallaka, ' yancin yin shari'a na gaskiya, 'yancin jefa ƙuri'a . Wasu daga cikin waɗannan haƙƙoƙin da haƙƙin ƙa'ida sun samo asali ne daga Magna Carta na shekarata1215 da Haƙƙin Ingilishi, waɗanda aka bayyana a cikin Dokar Haƙƙin Ingilishi a cikin 1689. An sami ƙarin cikakken tsarin haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na farko a Faransa ta Sanarwar Haƙƙin Dan Adam da na Jama'a a 1789, da Dokar Haƙƙin Amurka a shekarata 1791.

An sanya su a matakin duniya kuma an ba su matsayi a cikin dokokin kasa da kasa da farko ta Mataki na 3 zuwa na 21 na Yarjejeniya Ta Duniya ta 'Yancin Dan Adam na 1948 sannan daga baya a cikin Yarjejeniyar Kasa da Kasa kan 'Yancin Bil'adama da Siyasa na 1966. A Turai, an sanya su a cikin Yarjejeniyar Turai kan Haƙƙin Bil Adama a shekarata 1953.

Haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na biyu

Haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na biyu yana da alaƙa da daidaito kuma gwamnatoci sun fara amincewa da su bayan yakin duniya na biyu . Su ne tushen tattalin arziki, zamantakewa, da al'adu a yanayi. Suna ba da garantin mambobi daban-daban na ɗan ƙasa daidai yanayi da kulawa. Haƙƙoƙin na biyu zai haɗa da haƙƙin a yi aiki a cikin daidaitaccen yanayi, haƙƙin abinci, gidaje da kula da lafiya, da fa'idodin tsaro na zamantakewa da rashin aikin yi . Kamar haƙƙoƙin ƙarni na farko, an kuma rufe su da Yarjejeniya ta Duniya ta Haƙƙin Dan Adam, kuma an ƙara shigar da su a cikin Articles 22 zuwa 28 na Yarjejeniyar Duniya, da Yarjejeniyar ƙasa da ƙasa kan Haƙƙin Tattalin Arziki, Jama'a, da Al'adu abubuwan more rayuwa .

A cikin Amurka, Shugaba Franklin D. Roosevelt ya gabatar da lissafin 'yancin na biyu, yana rufe wurare daya iri daya, yayin da jihar kungiyarsa a watan Janairu 11, 1944. A yau, ƙasashe da yawa, jihohi, ko ƙungiyoyin al'ummai sun ƙirƙira sanarwar ɗaure bisa doka da ke ba da tabbacin cikakken tsarin haƙƙin ɗan adam, misali Yarjejeniya Ta Zaman Lafiya ta Turai.

Wasu jihohi sun kafa wasu daga cikin waɗannan haƙƙoƙin tattalin arziki, misali jihar New York ta tanadi ’ yancin samun ilimi kyauta, da kuma “yancin tsarawa da yin ciniki tare ”, da ma’aikata diyya, a cikin dokar tsarin dokokin mulki .

Waɗannan haƙƙoƙi wani lokaci ana kiran su da haƙƙoƙin " ja ". Suna dora wa gwamnati alhakin mutuntawa da inganta su da kuma cika su, amma wannan ya dogara da wadatar albarkatu. An dora wa jiha wannan aikin ne domin ita ce ke sarrafa dukiyarta. Babu wanda ke da hakkin zama kai tsaye da yancin ilimi . (A Afirka ta Kudu, alal misali, haƙƙin ba, ta kowane fanni, don gidaje ba ne, a maimakon haka "don samun isassun gidaje", an gane a kan ci gaba. )

Aikin gwamnati shi ne tabbatar da wadannan hakkoki masu kyau ne domin ƴanci.

Haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na uku

Haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na uku su ne waɗannan haƙƙoƙin da suka wuce kawai na farar hula da zamantakewa, kamar yadda aka bayyana a cikin takaddun ci gaba da yawa na dokokin ƙasa da ƙasa, gami da sanarwar 1972 Stockholm na Babban Taron Majalisar Dinkin Duniya kan Muhalli na shekarar 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and Development., da sauran sassa na gabaɗayan buri " doka mai laushi ".

Har ila yau, an san su da Haƙƙin ɗan adam Solidarity, haƙƙoƙi ne waɗanda ke ƙoƙarin wuce tsarin haƙƙin mutum don mai da hankali kan ra'ayoyi, kamar al'umma ko mutane. Koyaya, Kalmar ta kasance ba ta hukuma ba, kamar yadda kuma ake amfani da kalmar " kore " haƙƙoƙin, kuma ta haka ne ke da babban bakan na hakkoki, gami da:

• Hakkoki na rukuni da na gama kai
• 'Yancin cin gashin kai
• Haƙƙin ci gaban tattalin arziki da zamantakewa
• Dama zuwa lafiya yanayi
• Haƙƙin albarkatun ƙasa
• Haƙƙin sadarwa da haƙƙin sadarwa
• Haƙƙin shiga cikin al'adun gargajiya
• Hakkoki ga daidaito tsakanin tsararraki da dorewa

Yarjejeniya ta Afirka kan 'yancin ɗan adam da jama'a ta tabbatar da yawancin waɗannan: 'yancin kai, 'yancin samun ci gaba, 'yancin albarkatun ƙasa da yancin samun yanayi mai gamsarwa. Wasu ƙasashe kuma suna da hanyoyin tsarin mulki don kiyaye haƙƙin tsara na uku. Misali, Kwamishinan Majalissar Hungarian na Zamani na gaba, Kwamitin Majalisar Finland Committee for the Future, da kuma kwamitin da ya kafa don tsara tsararraki na gaba a cikin Knesset a ƙasar Isra'ila.

Wasu ƙungiyoyin ƙasa da ƙasa suna da ofisoshi don kiyaye irin waɗannan haƙƙoƙin. Misali shi ne Babban Kwamishinan 'Yan tsiraru na Kungiyar Tsaro da Haɗin kai a Turai . Babban Darakta-Janar na Muhalli na Hukumar Tarayyar Turai yana da matsayinsa na "kare, kiyayewa da inganta muhalli don tsararraki na yanzu da masu zuwa, da kuma inganta ci gaba mai dorewa".

Wasu hukunce-hukuncen sun samar da tanadi don kare muhalli, misali Labarin kundin tsarin mulkin New York na "har abada daji", wanda aka aiwatar da shi ta hanyar aikin Babban Lauyan Jihar New York ko ta kowane ɗan ƙasa . tare da amincewar sashin daukaka kara .

Karni na hudu

Manazarta da dama sun yi iƙirarin cewa ƙarni na huɗu na haƙƙin ɗan adam ya kunno kai, wanda zai haɗa da haƙƙoƙin da ba za a iya haɗa su cikin ƙarni na uku ba, da'awar haƙƙin ƙarni na farko da na biyu nan gaba da sabbin haƙƙoƙi, musamman dangane da ci gaban fasaha da fasahar sadarwa a sararin samaniya.

Koyaya, abubuwan da ke cikin sa ba a bayyana ba, kuma waɗannan manazarta ba su gabatar da wani tsari na musamman ba. Yawancin lokaci suna ɗaukar wasu haƙƙoƙi daga tsara na uku kuma suna haɗa su a cikin na huɗu, kamar haƙƙin ingantaccen yanayi ko abubuwan da suka shafi bioethics . Wasu daga cikin waɗancan manazarta sun yi imanin cewa ’yancin ɗan adam ya ba da ƙarni na huɗu dangane da sabbin fasahohi, yayin da wasu sun fi son yin magana game da haƙƙin dijital, inda za a sami sabbin haƙƙin haƙƙin, kamar:

• Haƙƙin samun dama daidai gwargwado na kwamfuta da sararin dijital
• Haƙƙin ƙaddamar da kai na dijital
• Haƙƙin tsaro na dijital
• Haƙƙin samun damar shiga bayanan dijital na mutum ( habeas data )

Wasu kuma suna nuni da cewa abin da zai banbanta shi ne, yayin da al’ummomi uku na farko suna nufin dan’adam a matsayin memba na al’umma, hakkin na hudu kuma zai koma ga dan Adam a matsayin jinsi su.

Sharhi

Maurice Cranston ya bayar da hujjar cewa karanci yana nufin cewa hakki na ƙarni na biyu da na uku ba haƙƙi bane kwata-kwata. Idan mutum ɗaya yana da haƙƙi, wasu suna da alhakin mutunta wannan haƙƙin, amma gwamnatoci ba su da albarkatun da ake buƙata don cika ayyukan da ake ɗauka na haƙƙin ƴan ƙasa na biyu da na uku.

Charles Kesler, farfesa a gwamnati a Kwalejin Claremont McKenna kuma babban jami'in Cibiyar Claremont, ya yi iƙirarin cewa haƙƙin ɗan adam na ƙarni na biyu da na uku suna aiki ne a matsayin ƙoƙari na rufe manufofin siyasa, wanda mafi rinjaye na iya yarda da kyau abubuwa ne masu kyau a ciki. na kansu, a cikin harshen hakkoki, don haka ba wa waɗannan manufofin siyasa abubuwan da ba su dace ba. A ra'ayinsa, kiran kayyakin zamantakewar al'umma "hakkoki" a zahiri yana haifar da ma'anar " ayyuka " da ke da alaƙa, ta yadda sauran 'yan ƙasa dole ne gwamnati ta tilasta wa wasu mutane su ba da abubuwa ga sauran mutane don cika waɗannan sababbin haƙƙin. Ya kuma bayyana cewa, a cikin Amurka, sabbin haƙƙoƙin suna haifar da “ƙasa kasa” na yanke shawarar siyasa a matakin tarayya wanda ya saba wa tsarin tarayya. A cikin littafinsa mai suna Soft Despotism, Democracy's Drift, Paul Rahe, farfesa a Kwalejin Hillsdale, ya rubuta cewa mayar da hankali kan haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin farar hula na farko ga gwamnatin da ke ci gaba da haɓakawa, wanda ba zai iya isa ba don samar da ita. 'yan ƙasa daidai kuma za su nemi ƙarin ƙarin haƙƙoƙi.

19th century philosopher Frederic Bastiat summarized the conflict between these negative and positive rights by saying:

M. de Lamartine wrote me one day: "Your doctrine is only the half of my program; you have stopped at liberty; I go on to fraternity." I answered him: "The second half of your program will destroy the first half." And, in fact, it is quite impossible for me to separate the word "fraternity" from the word "voluntary". It is quite impossible for me to conceive of fraternity as legally enforced, without liberty being legally destroyed, and justice being legally trampled underfoot.

Economist Friedrich Hayek has argued that the second generation concept of "social justice" cannot have any practical political meaning:

No state of affairs as such is just or unjust: it is only when we assume that somebody is responsible for having brought it about ... In the same sense, a spontaneously working market, where prices act as guides to action, cannot take account of what people in any sense need or deserve, because it creates a distribution which nobody has designed, and something which has not been designed, a mere state of affairs as such, cannot be just or unjust. And the idea that things ought to be designed in a "just" manner means, in effect, that we must abandon the market and turn to a planned economy in which somebody decides how much each ought to have, and that means, of course, that we can only have it at the price of the complete abolition of personal liberty.

New York University School of Law professor of law Jeremy Waldron has written in response to critics of the second-generation rights:

In any case, the argument from first-generation to second-generation rights was never supposed to be a matter of conceptual analysis. It was rather this: if one is really concerned to secure civil or political liberty for a person, that commitment should be accompanied by a further concern about the conditions of the person's life that make it possible for him to enjoy and exercise that liberty. Why on earth would it be worth fighting for this person's liberty (say, his liberty to choose between A and B) if he were left in a situation in which the choice between A and B meant nothing to him, or in which his choosing one rather than the other would have no impact on his life?"

Dan gurguzu dan kasar Hungarian kuma masanin tattalin arziki na siyasa Karl Polanyi ya yi hujjar gaba da Hayek a cikin littafin The Great Transformation . Polanyi ya rubuta cewa kasuwa mai 'yanci da ba a sarrafa shi ba zai haifar da tarnaki na tattalin arziki sannan kuma a hade tsarin mulkin dimokuradiyya wanda ke zubar da 'yancin jama'a.

Taron Duniya kan 'Yancin Dan Adam a shekara ta 1993 ya yi adawa da banbance tsakanin 'yancin ɗan adam da na siyasa (haƙƙin mara kyau) da haƙƙoƙin tattalin arziki, zamantakewa da al'adu (kyakkyawan haƙƙin) wanda ya haifar da sanarwar Vienna da Shirin Aiki yana shelar cewa "dukkan 'yancin ɗan adam na duniya ne. mara ganuwa, masu dogara da juna”.

Manazarta

• Tsaron ɗan adam
• " Ra'ayoyi guda biyu na 'Yanci ", lacca na Ishaya Berlin wanda ya bambanta tsakanin 'yanci mai kyau da mara kyau