Wikipedia

Cancer Alley

Cancer Alley is the regional nickname given to an 85-mile (137 km) stretch of land[1] along the Mississippi River between Baton Rouge and New Orleans, in the River Parishes of Louisiana, which contains over 200[2] petrochemical plants and refineries.[3] This area accounts for 25% of the petrochemical production in the United States.[4] Environmentalists consider the region a sacrifice zone where rates of cancer caused by air pollution exceed the federal government's own limits of acceptable risk.[5]

A mound of oil drums near the Baton Rouge ExxonMobil Refinery along the Mississippi River in December 1972.

Community leaders such as Sharon Lavigne have led the charge in protesting the expansion of the petrochemical industry in Cancer Alley, as well as addressing the associated racial and economic disparities.[6]

History

edit
 
Parishes of Louisiana that comprise "Cancer Alley",[7] marked in pink

Following an oil and gas boom around the time of World War II, a number of refineries spawned along the Mississippi River near the Gulf Coast.[8] Many of these facilities were previously located in major population centers, such as Baton Rouge and New Orleans, but during the 1950s, many sought to migrate to less densely populated places.[9] Many relocated to the small communities along the river between New Orleans and Baton Rouge, many of which had significant or majority African American populations.[9] By the 1970s, the area had a proliferation of plants producing vinyl chloride, nitrogen fertilizers, and chlorine.[8] By the 1970s, serious air pollution and water pollution was noted by federal agencies. An EPA report found 66 pollutants in New Orleans drinking water, and 31 lethal chemicals in the air of Plaquemine.[8][10] In 1976, Coast guard divers retrieving sediment samples from a bayou suffered second-degree burns on their hands.[8] By the early 1980s, residents in the neighborhood of Good Hope had grown accustomed to regular fires at a local oil refinery, and developed their own informal evacuation plans for their occurrences.[8] Despite the known problems with pollution, the petrochemical industry in the area continued unabated, and even continued expanding. In the early 1980s, an oil refinery purchased the land of Good Hope for expansion.[8]

Beginning in the 1980s, locals also perceived certain species of plants and animals becoming less common.[8] By 1988, locals began referring to an area in Chalmette as "Cancer Alley".[8] The "alley" later grew to encompass an eighty-five-mile stretch along the Mississippi River stretching from New Orleans to Baton Rouge and includes the parishes of East Baton Rouge, West Baton Rouge, Iberville, Ascension, St. James, St. John the Baptist, St. Charles, Jefferson, Orleans, St. Bernard, and Plaquemines.[11][7]

Industrial plants emitting toxic waste in Louisiana continued to proliferate in the 21st century.[9] According to EPA data, the number of industrial plants in Louisiana that reported their toxic releases grew from 255 to 320 from 1988 to 2017, an increase of 25%, even as the number of such plants nationwide dropped by 16% over that period.[9]

Per a 2003 study that surveyed 11 plants in St. James Parish, researchers found that the plants employed between 4.9% and 19.4% African Americans, which is low in comparison to the overall population of the county (49.2% in 2000).[12]

 
EPA-estimated cancer risk in the region[13]

In 1969, DuPont opened a plant to manufacture the chemical chloroprene, the main ingredient in neoprene, in Reserve, Louisiana on the border with LaPlace, Louisiana. The plant was sold in 2015[14] to Japanese chemical company Denka. The area immediately adjacent to the Denka/DuPont neoprene plant in St. John the Baptist Parish has been recognized by the EPA as having a likelihood of its residents getting cancer from air pollution over 700 times the national average. According to EPA, it emits 99% of the nation's chloroprene pollution.[15][16][17] EPA opened civil rights investigations over this pollution from Cancer Alley.[18]

Community organizing

edit

In 1996, Shintech Inc. announced that they would be creating three new polyvinyl chloride (PVC) manufacturing plants in Convent, a small majority Black community (2010 population of 711, 65.7% Black) that serves as the parish seat of St. James Parish. The state of Louisiana issued Shintech permits to proceed with the project in 1997, despite their acknowledgement that these locations would be adding 623,000 pounds of pollutants to the air annually.[12] The residents of Convent formed a coalition called St. James Citizens for the Environment (SJCJE) that drew the attention of outside legal groups including the Tulane University Environmental Law Clinic and the Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund.[12][19] In 1998, after considerable pressure and lobbying, Shintech withdrew its project plans.[12]

In 1992, when the Taiwanese-owned Formosa Plastics Corporation proposed to build a $700 million rayon and pulp processing plant in Wallace, a small majority Black community (2000 population of 570, 93.7% Black) in St. John the Baptist Parish, which would have been the world's largest if completed and was expected to create 5,000 jobs, the 750 residents of the town waged a legal battle and eventually won forcing Formosa to build their plant elsewhere.[20]

In 2018, the Formosa Plastics Corporation proposed the Sunshine Project, a $9.4 billion industrial complex to be located on the west bank of St. James Parish that is estimated to become the petrochemical and plastics project with the single greatest environmental detriment, at an estimated 13,628,086 tons of greenhouse gas emissions yearly.[21] The proposed complex would span 2,500 acres and will be situated one mile from an elementary school,[22] On January 15, 2020, RISE St. James, a faith-based grassroots organization of St. James Parish community members, in conjunction with the nonprofit conservation organization Center for Biological Diversity, the grassroots organization Louisiana Bucket Brigade, and the nonprofit Healthy Gulf, sued the Trump administration for permitting Formosa Plastics' proposed petrochemical complex. The lawsuit sought to invalidate the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers' fast-tracked Clean Water Act permits that the Corps issued the prior year.[23] It had come to light that independent archaeologists that Formosa Plastics hired had discovered that enslaved people were buried in unmarked graves beneath the 2,300-acre site that Formosa planned to develop their plastics complex on.[24] Citing violation of federal laws in the approval of destroying wetlands, the region's first and quickly dwindling line of defense against progressively-intensifying natural disasters, as well as the failure to protect the water, air, and health of the surrounding communities, and the violation of the National Historic Preservation Act in failing to protect the burial grounds of enslaved people, the lawsuit demanded the rescinding of the permits issued in September 2019 as well as the conducting of a full environmental impact study.[25] On November 4, 2020, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers announced its plans to suspend its permit for the Sunshine Project.[22]

While developments by Formosa Plastics Corporation in St. James Parish remain to be monitored, the multigenerational disenfranchisement and exploitation of Black people and people of Color are difficult to ignore. "One oppressive economy begets another," says Barbara L. Allen on the subject, a professor of science, technology, and society at Virginia Tech. She continues, "The Great River Road was built on the bodies of enslaved Black people. The chemical corridor is responsible for the body burden of their descendants."[26] Her words are particularly poignant in relation to the economic stimulation and job creation that is promised with the proposal of each new plant in the area, while a tiny minority of full-time industry jobs are actually filled by community members who bear the brunt of the pollution burden – for example, in St. Gabriel of Iberville Parish where there are now 30 large petrochemical plants within a 10-mile radius, only 9% of the full-time industry jobs in the city are held by local residents, and at least one in four residents live in poverty.[9] The promised economic prosperity in these major investments has never yet to be delivered, yet continues to be a cited reason for the continued approval of petrochemical permits.[27]

Criticism

edit

On March 2, 2021, the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee discussed the continued industrial projects along the Mississippi River in Louisiana. The UN council on contemporary racism strongly condemned what they defined as environmental racism in their discussion with experts and other UN officials:

This form of environmental racism poses serious and disproportionate threats to the enjoyment of several human rights of its largely African American residents, including the right to equality and non-discrimination, the right to life, the right to health, right to an adequate standard of living and cultural rights.

The sentiments stated by environmental activists were echoed by the Human Rights Commission.[28]

On January 27, 2021, President Joe Biden signed an executive order regarding environmental justice and specifically cited Cancer Alley as a hard-hit area.[29] Louisiana Chemical Association President Greg Bowser responded to President Biden's remarks on the region, refuting claims that residents of the industrial corridor have a higher risk of developing cancer in multiple articles.[30][31] Furthermore, he cited Louisiana Tumor Registry (LTR) data to support his claims.[32][33] The LTR claims that there has not been an increase in cancer deaths connected to industrial pollution.[33]

Activists and locals have disputed the conclusions of the LTR asserting the tracts used cover large areas and the data does not allow for specific locations adjacent to chemical plants to be analyzed individually.[34] They also posited that the data may be incomplete as those who died during the COVID-19 pandemic who also had cancer might not be included.[35] Louisiana health officials are unable to release the specific cases and data because of medical privacy laws.[36]

The EPA, in both 2016 and 2020, reported that those residing in Cancer Alley are exposed to more than 10 times “the level of health risk from hazardous air pollutants” than other residents in the state. Human Rights Watch reviewed data from 12 fossil fuel and petrochemical plants operating in the Cancer Alley area from October 2020 to November 2023. Out of these 12 facilities, only one of them was “reported in compliance with all three federal laws” in the 3-year observational period. Only 2 of these facilities “were in compliance with the Clean Water Act” as well.[37]

Government action

edit

The EPA's National Air Toxic Assessment looked at toxic emissions around the nation in 2011 and released the findings in 2015. The study found that the air in LaPlace, Louisiana, which is an area in Cancer Alley, had a higher-than-expected level of chloroprene.[38] This subsequently caused the EPA to begin working closely with the owner of the neoprene plant in the area, Denka Performance Elastomer, and the Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality to lower chloroprene emissions. The overall goal was to lower chloroprene emissions by 85%.[38]

The state of Louisiana says that Denka has reached the goal of lowering emissions by 85%, but some residents remain skeptical. Many residents believe that instead of reducing emissions by a percentage, the emissions should be 0.2 micrograms per cubic meter of air, which is what is considered a safe level by the EPA.[38]

In April 2022, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency initiated civil rights investigations of Louisiana state agencies. The probe focused on whether the process of granting permits along the industrial corridor violated the civil rights of residents who live nearby.[39] The probe specifically examined the Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality and Department of Health regarding the permitting of a Denka Performance Elastomers plant, as well as a proposed Formosa Plastics Sunshine plant and a proposed Greenfield Exports grain terminal.[39]

In February 2023, the EPA and prosecutors in the U.S. Attorney's office for the Eastern District of Louisiana filed a complaint against Denka Performance Elastomer under Section 303 of the Clean Air Act.[40] The complaint asserted that the company's LaPlace, Louisiana, plant posed an imminent danger to public health based on its emissions of cancer-causing chloroprene.[40] Air monitoring near the Denka plant found chloroprene levels as high as 14 times the recommended level.

According to the EPA, air monitoring performed near Denka's plant has shown that chloroprene levels are as high as 14 times the recommended level of 0.2 μg/m3, which poses "an imminent and substantial endangerment" to nearby communities.[41] Louisiana Attorney General Jeff Landry sued the EPA, challenging the government's use of the disparate impact standard of the Civil Rights Act, which says policies cannot cause disproportionate harm to people of color and continue greenlighting industrial activities in an area already overburdened by pollution. Five weeks later, the EPA dropped its Cancer Alley investigation.[42] In February 2024, the EPA requested a delay in an impending federal trial against Denka until after the agency finalized a rule expected to tighten emission limits for chloroprene.[41]

In April 2024, the EPA announced a new rule targeting more than 200 chemical plants across the U.S., requiring them to cut enough toxic emissions to reduce cancer risks for people living in those areas by 96 percent. It marked the first time the EPA had amended national emissions standards for hazardous organic pollutants in more than 30 years.[43] The new rule requires plants to locate the source of toxic contamination and make repairs when emissions exceed standards. The plants are also required to install air monitors at their fence lines.[43]

Environmental racism

edit
Main article: Environmental racism in the United States

Many scholars and residents of Cancer Alley have referred to the area as a "frontline example of environmental racism".[44] Environmental racism can be defined as the institutional rules, regulations, policies, or government/corporate decisions that deliberately target certain communities for locally undesirable land uses and lax enforcement of zoning and environmental laws, resulting in communities being disproportionately exposed to toxic and hazardous waste based on race.[45] Environmental racism can also be caused by several factors. These factors include intentional neglect, the alleged need for a receptacle for pollutants in urban areas, and a lack of institutional power and low land values of people of color.[45] It is also a well-documented and well-known fact that communities of color and low-income communities are disproportionately impacted by polluting industries and lax regulation of these industries.[45] 75% of Black Americans are reported to more likely live in communities dubbed as "fence-line", communities in close proximities to sites of pollution and industry. Over 1 million of Black Americans are reported to live within a half-mile radius of oil and gas wells.[46]

Another reason for the disproportionate siting of industrial facilities in poor and Black communities is the “Not In My Backyard Movement” (NIMBY). Primarily White neighborhoods rallied together against the petrochemical companies that were being placed in their communities. As a result, these companies shifted their sights and locations towards poor communities of color. NIMBY’s growth occurred in the 1970’s at the same time public awareness about health risks related to pollution from these waste facilities grew. These White communities had social power and “clout” that low-income communities of color did not have.  [47]

Environmental impacts

edit

The location of Cancer Alley also poses more environmental impacts other than air pollution. Since Cancer Alley is located closer to the Gulf of Mexico, hurricanes pose a great risk and have caused large amounts of damage in past years. For example, in 2005, Hurricane Katrina caused almost 11 million gallons of oil to spill into the water near New Orleans.[48] Hurricane Harvey in 2017 caused power outages that led to unrefrigerated chemicals in a plant in Houston decomposing and igniting into a large fireball.[48] In 2020, Hurricane Laura caused a fire at a plant that produced pool chemicals, which led to chlorine gas being burned for three days.[48]

One of the largest environmental impacts happened when Hurricane Ida hit in 2021. The storm's projected path was through the industrial region. The threat of the hurricane's destruction caused the industries located in Cancer Alley to release unprocessed chemicals and gases into the air via "flaring."[48] Even though flaring causes chemicals to be released into the air, the process is legal in emergencies and burns the chemicals directly into the air.[48] After the hurricane, residents were not only left with damaged homes but also more pollution in the air and water than usual.

Activism and environmental justice

edit

In recent years in the United States, the environmental protection and civil rights movements have merged to form an environmental justice movement in response to minority and low-income communities throughout the country being constantly threatened by pollution.[49] Many communities that face the largest burdens from pollution tend to be poor and consist mainly of minorities. Due to this, poor and minority communities will resort to grassroots activism to protect themselves. Many have also cited the EPA's failure to be consistent in their enforcement of federal environmental laws.[47]

In September 2022, environmental justice advocates in southern Louisiana were able to declare victory after two decisions denied two major petrochemical complexes from moving forward.[50] State District Court Judge Trudy White released a decision that reversed and vacated 14 air regulations permits that the Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality (LDEQ) had issued for the proposed Formosa Plastics Group complex in the town of Welcome.[50] The town already has multiple oil refineries and industrial plants and is located in Cancer Alley.

Another group that has been actively fighting against the petrochemical industry in Cancer Alley is Rise St. James. Rise St. James is a faith-based grassroots organization that fights for environmental justice and works to defeat the proliferation of petrochemical industries in St. James Parish, Louisiana. The organization successfully defeated the construction of a $1.25 billion plastics manufacturing plant in 2019 and is currently fighting to prevent Formosa Plastics from building a multibillion-dollar plant in the parish.[51] Rise St. James is also committed to educating the community and those outside of the community about the chemicals they breathe in every day. The organization's website includes a "Chemical of the Month" page and provides information on a specific chemical and how much it is found in certain areas of Cancer Alley.[51]

edit

British industrial metal band Godflesh used a photograph of a cemetery located in Cancer Alley as the cover art for their 1996 album, Songs of Love and Hate.

Sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild discusses the environmental and health conditions in Cancer Alley, as well as the socioeconomic and political ramifications, in her 2016 book Strangers in Their Own Land.[52]

See also

edit

Comparable examples

General

Legal

References

edit
  1. ^ Blodgett, Abigail D. (December 2006). "An Analysis of Pollution and Community Advocacy in 'Cancer Alley': Setting an Example for the Environmental Justice Movement in St James Parish, Louisiana". Local Environment. 11 (6): 647–661. Bibcode:2006LoEnv..11..647B. doi:10.1080/13549830600853700. S2CID 143642013.
  2. ^ Younes, Lylla; Shaw, Al; Perlman, Claire (October 30, 2019). "In a Notoriously Polluted Area of the Country, Massive New Chemical Plants Are Still Moving In". ProPublica. Archived from the original on February 15, 2023. Retrieved February 15, 2023.
  3. ^ Castellón, Idna (February 12, 2021). "Cancer Alley and the Fight Against Environmental Racism". Villanova Environmental Law Journal. 32 (1): 15. Archived from the original on December 10, 2022. Retrieved December 10, 2022.
  4. ^ James, Wesley (2012). "Uneven magnitude of disparities in cancer risks from air toxins". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 9 (12): 4365–4385. doi:10.3390/ijerph9124365. PMC 3546767. PMID 23208297.
  5. ^ Matei, Adrienne (November 16, 2021). "What are 'sacrifice zones' and why do some Americans live in them?". The Guardian. Archived from the original on May 19, 2022. Retrieved May 19, 2022.
  6. ^ "Letter from Sharon Lavigne to Pres. Biden on Cancer Alley & Formosa Plastics". Louisiana Bucket Brigade. 2021. Archived from the original on July 20, 2021.
  7. ^ a b Mulvaney, Dustin (July 3, 2013). Green Atlas: A Multimedia Reference. Sage Publications. ISBN 9781483318042.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h Maraniss, David; Weisskopf, Michael (January 24, 1988). "The Faces of Pollution : As Cancer, Miscarriages Mount, Louisiana Wonders If It Is a 'National Sacrifice Zone'". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on September 9, 2022. Retrieved January 26, 2024.
  9. ^ a b c d e Baurick, T.; Younes, L.; Meiners, J. (October 30, 2019). "Welcome to 'cancer alley,' where toxic air is about to get worse". Pro Publica. Archived from the original on April 23, 2021. Retrieved November 1, 2021.
  10. ^ "Chemical Plant Accidents and Injuries". onmyside.com. Retrieved March 12, 2024.
  11. ^ Terrell, Kimberly A.; St. Julien, Gianna. Toxic Air Pollution is Linked to Higher Cancer Rates among Impoverished Communities in Louisiana (PDF) (Thesis). Tulane University. Registry's annual reports provide cancer rates for the 'Industrial Corridor', a subjectively defined area in southeast Louisiana that corresponds to West Baton Rouge, East Baton Rouge, Iberville, Ascension, St. James, St. John, and St. Charles parishes. (Louisiana parishes are equivalent to counties). This definition omits the neighboring parishes of Jefferson, Orleans, St. Bernard, and Plaquemines, which are similarly impacted by industrial pollution and are typically considered to be part of 'Cancer Alley'.
  12. ^ a b c d Berry, Gregory R. (March 2003). "Organizing Against Multinational Corporate Power In Cancer Alley: The Activist Community as Primary Stakeholder". Organization & Environment. 16 (1): 3–33. doi:10.1177/1086026602250213. S2CID 154520963.
  13. ^ US EPA, OAR (February 2, 2022). "Air Toxics Screening Assessment". www.epa.gov. Retrieved April 7, 2024.
  14. ^ "Louisiana's Cancer Alley Residents Sue Chemical Plant for Nearly 50 Years of Air Pollution". July 27, 2017. Archived from the original on July 24, 2019. Retrieved July 24, 2019.
  15. ^ Hersher, Rebecca. "After Decades Of Air Pollution, A Louisiana Town Rebels Against A Chemical Giant". NPR.org. NPR. Archived from the original on September 19, 2018. Retrieved September 21, 2018.
  16. ^ Lett, Victor Blackwell,Wayne Drash,Christopher (October 20, 2017). "Toxic tensions in the heart of 'Cancer Alley'". CNN. Retrieved March 12, 2024.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  17. ^ EPA: Plant emits 99% of US chloroprene pollution | CNN, October 20, 2017, retrieved March 12, 2024
  18. ^ Laughland, Oliver (April 14, 2022). "EPA opens civil rights investigations over pollution in Cancer Alley". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved March 12, 2024.
  19. ^ Kuehn, Robert R. "Denying Access to Legal Representation: The Attack on the Tulane Environmental Law Clinic". journals.library.wustl.edu. p. 16. Retrieved March 12, 2024.
  20. ^ Taylor, Dorceta (2014). Toxic Communities: Environmental Racism, Industrial Pollution, and Residential Mobility. NYU Press. ISBN 978-1-4798-6178-1.[page needed]
  21. ^ Bernhardt, C., Shaykevich, A., & The Environmental Integrity Project. (2020). Greenhouse Gases from Oil, Gas, and Petrochemical Production Archived September 6, 2021, at the Wayback Machine.
  22. ^ a b Center for Biological Diversity. (November 4, 2020). Army Corps suspends permit for Formosa Plastics' controversial Louisiana plant Archived November 29, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. Center for Biological Diversity.
  23. ^ "Formosa plastics' proposed Louisiana plant gets permit to destroy wetlands". Center for Biological Diversity. September 10, 2019. Archived from the original on November 29, 2021. Retrieved November 1, 2021.
  24. ^ Jones, T. L. (December 18, 2019). "Activists want the $9.4B Formosa project stopped due to the slave cemetery at the St. James site". The Advocate. Archived from the original on November 1, 2021. Retrieved November 1, 2021.
  25. ^ "Lawsuit challenges Trump administration's fast-tracking of Louisiana Plastics project". Center for Biological Diversity. January 15, 2020. Archived from the original on December 8, 2021. Retrieved November 1, 2021.
  26. ^ Groner, A. (May 7, 2021). "One Oppressive Economy Begets Another". Atlantic Monthly. Archived from the original on November 1, 2021. Retrieved November 1, 2021.
  27. ^ Office of Governor John Bel Edwards (April 23, 2018). "Formosa Selects St. James Parish for $9.4 Billion Louisiana Project". Louisiana.Gov. Archived from the original on November 1, 2021. Retrieved November 1, 2021.
  28. ^ "USA: Environmental racism in "Cancer Alley" must end – experts". United Nations Human Rights Committee. Archived from the original on March 2, 2021.
  29. ^ Baurick, Tristan (January 28, 2021). "Biden utters the words 'Cancer Alley,' but will he help Louisiana's chemical corridor?". NOLA.com. Archived from the original on March 27, 2021. Retrieved March 30, 2021.
  30. ^ "Letter to the Editor: 'Cancer Alley' moniker unwarranted by research". Hanna Newspapers. February 24, 2021. Archived from the original on April 13, 2021. Retrieved April 13, 2021.
  31. ^ "Opinion: The Data Doesn't Support "Cancer Alley" Designation in Louisiana". The Times of Houma/Thibodaux. February 21, 2021. Archived from the original on April 13, 2021. Retrieved April 13, 2021.
  32. ^ Bowser, Greg (February 12, 2021). "Louisiana industry: 'Cancer alley' is false description of health problems". The Advocate. Archived from the original on April 13, 2021. Retrieved March 30, 2021.
  33. ^ a b "Cancer Incidence in Louisiana by Census Tract" (PDF). Louisiana Tumor Registry. Archived (PDF) from the original on April 13, 2021. Retrieved April 13, 2021.
  34. ^ Russell, Gordon. "Health officials in "Cancer Alley" will study if living near a controversial chemical plant causes cancer". Mother Jones. Archived from the original on April 13, 2021. Retrieved April 13, 2021.
  35. ^ Dermansky, Julie (February 25, 2021). "From Pollution to the Pandemic, Racial Equity Eludes Louisiana's Cancer Alley Community". DeSmog. Archived from the original on April 12, 2021. Retrieved April 13, 2021.
  36. ^ "Your Rights Under HIPAA". HHS.gov. Office for Civil Rights, Department of Health & Human Services. May 7, 2008. Archived from the original on April 13, 2021. Retrieved April 13, 2021.
  37. ^ Juhasz, Antonia (January 25, 2024). ""We're Dying Here"". Human Rights Watch.
  38. ^ a b c Sneath, Sara (July 6, 2020). "State says St. John plant reduced emissions of a likely carcinogen by 85%, residents say it's not enough". NOLA.com. Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.
  39. ^ a b Schleifstein, Mark (April 7, 2022). "EPA investigates Louisiana environmental, health for racial discrimination in air pollution permits".
  40. ^ a b "EPA and Justice Department File Complaint Alleging Public Health Endangerment Caused by Denka Performance Elastomer's Carcinogenic Air Pollution". U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. February 28, 2023.
  41. ^ a b "EPA delays trial against neoprene manufacturer". Chemical & Engineering News. Retrieved March 15, 2024.
  42. ^ Nolan, Delaney (January 20, 2024). "The EPA Is Backing Down From Environmental Justice Cases Nationwide". The Intercept. Retrieved March 25, 2024.
  43. ^ a b WWNO, Halle Parker (April 10, 2024). "For communities near chemical plants, EPA new standards on toxic pollution are a relief • Louisiana Illuminator". Louisiana Illuminator. Retrieved July 29, 2024.
  44. ^ Batiste, Johneisha (April 24, 2022). "Being Black Causes Cancer: Cancer Alley and Environmental Racism". Social Science Research Network. SSRN 4092077. Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.
  45. ^ a b c "Environmental Justice & Environmental Racism – Greenaction for Health and Environmental Justice". Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.
  46. ^ "Critical Infrastructure, Environmental Racism, and Protest: A Case Study in Cancer Alley, Louisiana – Columbia Human Rights Law Review". hrlr.law.columbia.edu. Retrieved April 29, 2024.
  47. ^ a b Castellón, Idna (February 12, 2021). "Cancer Alley and the Fight Against Environmental Racism". Villanova Environmental Law Journal. 32 (1): 15. ISSN 1049-2631.
  48. ^ a b c d e O'Leary, Megan (February 10, 2022). "What is Cancer Alley? Louisiana Factories, Chemicals, & Pollutants". Lung Cancer Center. Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.
  49. ^ Blodgett, Abigail (2006). "An Analysis of Pollution & Community Advocacy in 'Cancer Alley':Setting an Example for the Environmental Justice Movement in St James Parish,Louisiana". Local Environment. 11 (6): 647–661. Bibcode:2006LoEnv..11..647B. doi:10.1080/13549830600853700. S2CID 143642013. Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.
  50. ^ a b Roewe, Brian. "Activists in Louisiana's 'Cancer Alley' hail halt to petrochemical complexes". www.ncronline.org. Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.
  51. ^ a b "Rise St. James". Rise St. James. Archived from the original on December 15, 2022. Retrieved December 15, 2022.
  52. ^ McCann, Sean (August 22, 2016). "What's the Matter with Cancer Alley? Arlie Russell Hochschild's Anatomy of Trumpism". Los Angeles Review of Books. Archived from the original on July 7, 2020. Retrieved July 30, 2020.

Further reading

edit
  • Nitzkin JL (April 1992). "Cancer in Louisiana: a public health perspective". Journal of the Louisiana State Medical Society. 144 (4): 162. PMID 1613306.
edit

30°00′N 90°36′W / 30.0°N 90.6°W / 30.0; -90.6

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Cancer_Alley&oldid=1256044560"